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The Wei mingchen zou 魏名臣奏 (Memorials of the Celebrated Ministers of Wei) was a Chinese text written by Chen Shou 陳壽 and various other writers.

Bits of informationEdit

This text was written by Chen Shou (and others), who lived from 233 to 297 as a subject of Shu-Han and ultimately Jin. Chen Shou was also the author of the Records of the Three Kingdoms.

The bibliographical details of this book are confused. It remains rather vague how large the Wei mingchen zou must've been. Nothing of this text, aside from the citations below, has survived. Often the Book of Sui (7th century) mentions texts of the Three Kingdoms period and tells us how many chapters by then had survived, but the size of the Wei mingchen zou is not mentioned in the Book of Sui. At least, not very clear.

Throughout various books, the following bits of information can be found:

The Records of the Three Kingdoms, Book of Wei 22, contains a citing by Pei Songzhi from the Wei shu, which mentions an imperial order for the compilation of an anthology of memorials called Mingchen zouyi 名臣奏議 during the Zhengshi 正始 reignperiod of Wei (240-249).[1]

The Book of Sui, in the Collections-category states that the Liang Imperial Library formerly possessed a Han mingchen zou 漢名臣奏 in 30 juan 卷, but no author is stated, and a Wei mingchen zou in 30 juan by Chen Changshou 陳長壽.[1] Bar the Chang 長, this name is the same as Chen Shou. We've also seen the name 'Chen Changshou' linked to another work of Chen Shou, the Yibu qijiu zhuan, so Chen Changshou may have been a literary name of Chen Shou.

The Jiu Tang shu, in the Law-category lists two Han mingchen zous, and both are ascribed to Chen Shou. One is 30 juan long, while the other is 29 juan long.

The Xin Tang shu, also in the Law-category, also lists two Han mingchen zous, one in 29 juan with no author mentioned, and another in 30 juan with Chen Shou as the author. It also lists a Wei mingchen zoushi 事 in the Story-category, in 30 juan, but no author is stated.[1]

Zou 奏, "collections of memorials" may evidently be distinguished from zoushi 奏事 as possibly memorials and court records. It appears that Chen Shou was involved with one or more of these works dealing with the Han and Wei dynasties. It may be possible that mingchen zous about the Han, may in fact have been about Chen Shou's Han (better known as Shu-Han).

Fragments in Records of the Three KingdomsEdit

Book of Wei 3 - Annals of Emperor Ming (Cao Rui)Edit

  1. 《魏名臣奏》載散騎常侍何曾表曰:「臣聞先王制法,必於全慎,故建官授任,則置假輔,陳師命將,則立監貳,宣命遣使,則設介副,臨敵交刃,則參御右,蓋以盡謀思之功,防安危之變也。是以在險當難,則權足相濟,隕缺不預,則手足相代,其為固防,至深至遠。及至漢氏,亦循舊章。韓信伐趙,張耳為貳;馬援討越,劉隆副軍。前世之迹,著在篇志。今懿奉辭誅罪,步騎數萬,道路迴阻,四千餘里,雖假天威,有征無戰,寇或潛遁,消散日月,命無常期。人非金石,遠慮詳備,誠宜有副。今北邊諸將及懿所督,皆為僚屬,名位不殊,素無定分,卒有變急,不相鎮攝。存不忘亡,聖達所戒,宜選大臣名將威重宿著者,盛其禮秩,遣詣懿軍,進同謀略,退為副佐。雖有萬一不虞之災,軍主有儲,則無患矣。」

Book of Wei 4 - Annals of the Prince of Qi (Cao Fang)Edit

  1. 《魏名臣奏》載太尉華歆表曰:「臣聞勵俗宣化,莫先於表善,班祿敘爵,莫美於顯能,是以楚人思子文之治,復命其胤,漢室嘉江公之德,用顯其世。伏見故漢大司農北海鄭玄,當時之學,名冠華夏,為世儒宗。文皇帝旌錄先賢,拜玄適孫小同以為郎中,長假在家。小同年踰三十,少有令質,學綜六經,行著鄉邑。海、岱之人莫不嘉其自然,美其氣量。跡其所履,有質直不渝之性,然而恪恭靜默,色養其親,不治可見之美,不競人間之名,斯誠清時所宜式敘,前後明詔所斟酌而求也。臣老病委頓,無益視聽,謹具以聞。」

Book of Wei 8 - Biography of Gongsun DuEdit

  1. 《魏名臣奏》載中領軍夏侯獻表曰:「公孫淵昔年敢違王命,廢絕計貢者,實挾兩端。旣恃阻險,又怙孫權。故敢跋扈,恣睢海外。宿舒親見賊權軍衆府庫,知其弱少不足憑恃,是以決計斬賊之使。又高句麗、濊貊與淵為仇,並為寇鈔。今外失吳援,內有胡寇,心知國家能從陸道,勢不得不懷惶懼之心。因斯之時,宜遣使示以禍福。奉車都尉鬷弘,武皇帝時始奉使命,開通道路。文皇帝即位,欲通使命,遣弘將妻子還歸鄉里,賜其車、牛,絹百匹。弘以受恩,歸死國朝,無有還意,乞留妻子,身奉使命。公孫康遂稱臣妾。以弘奉使稱意,賜爵關內侯。弘性果烈,乃心於國,夙夜拳拳,念自竭效。冠族子孫,少好學問,博通書記,多所關涉,口論速捷,辯而不俗,附依典誥若出胷臆,加仕本郡常在人右,彼方士人素所敬服。若當遣使,以為可使弘行。弘乃自舊土,習其國俗,為說利害,辯足以動其意,明足以見其事,才足以行之,辭足以見信。若其計從,雖酈生之降齊王,陸賈之說尉他,亦無以遠過也。欲進遠路,不宜釋騏驥;將已篤疾,不宜廢扁鵲。願察愚言也。」

Book of Wei 8 - Biography of Zhang LuEdit

  1. 《魏名臣奏》載董昭表曰:「武皇帝承涼州從事及武都降人之辭,說張魯易攻,陽平城下南北山相遠,不可守也,信以為然。及往臨履,不如所聞,乃歎曰:『他人商度,少如人意。』攻陽平山上諸屯,既不時拔,士卒傷夷者多。武皇帝意沮,便欲拔軍截山而還,遣故大將軍夏侯惇、將軍許褚呼山上兵還。會前軍未還,夜迷惑,誤入賊營,賊便退散。侍中辛毗、劉曄等在兵後,語惇、褚,言『官兵已據得賊要屯,賊已散走』。猶不信之。惇前自見,乃還白武皇帝,進兵定之,幸而克獲。此近事,吏士所知。」又楊暨表曰:「武皇帝始征張魯,以十萬之眾,身親臨履,指授方略,因就民麥以為軍糧。張衛之守,蓋不足言。地險守易,雖有精兵虎將,勢不能施。對兵三日,欲抽軍還,言『作軍三十年,一朝持與人,如何』。此計已定,天祚大魏,魯守自壞,因以定之。」

Book of Wei 13 - Biography of Wang LangEdit

  1. 《魏名臣奏》載朗節省奏曰:「詔問所宜損益,必謂東京之事也。若夫西京雲陽、汾陰之大祭,千有五百之羣,祀通天之臺,入阿房之宮,齋必百日,養犧五載,牛則三千,其重玉則七千;其器,文綺以飾重席,童女以蹈舞綴;釀酎必貫三時而後成,樂人必三千四百而後備;內宮美人數至近千,學官博士七千餘人;中廄則騑騄駙馬六萬餘匹,外牧則扈養三萬而馬十之;執金吾從騎六百,走卒倍焉;太常行陵赤車千乘,太官賜官奴婢六千,長安城內治民為政者三千,中二千石蔽罪斷刑者二十有五獄。政充事猥,威儀繁富,隆於三代,近過禮中。夫所以極奢吝,大抵多受之於秦餘。旣違繭栗愨誠之本,埽地簡易之指,又失替質而損文、避泰而從約之趣。豈夫當今隆興盛明之時,祖述堯舜之際,割奢務儉之政,除繁崇省之令,詳刑慎罰之教,所宜希慕哉?及夫寢廟日一太牢之祀,郡國並立宗廟之法,丞相御史大夫官屬吏從之數,若此之輩,旣已屢改於哀、平之前,不行光武之後矣。謹桉圖牒,所改秦在天地及五帝、六宗、宗廟、社稷,旣已因前代之兆域矣。夫天地則埽地而祭,其餘則皆壇而埒之矣。明堂所以祀上帝,靈臺所以觀天文,辟雍所以脩禮樂,太學所以集儒林,高禖所以祈休祥,又所以察時務,揚教化。稽古先民,開誕慶祚,舊時皆在國之陽,並高棟夏屋,足以肆饗射,望雲物。七郊雖尊祀尚質,猶皆有門宇便坐,足以避風雨。可須軍罷年豐,以漸脩治。舊時虎賁羽林五營兵,及衞士并合,雖且萬人,或商賈墯游子弟,或農野謹鈍之人;雖有乘制之處,不講戎陣,旣不簡練,又希更寇,雖名實不副,難以備急。有警而後募兵,軍行而後運粮,或乃兵旣乆屯,而不務營佃,不脩器械,無有貯聚,一隅馳羽檄,則三靣並荒擾,此亦漢氏近世之失而不可式者也。當今諸夏已安,而巴蜀在畫外。雖未得偃武而弢甲,放馬而戢兵,宜因年之大豐,遂寄軍政於農事。吏士小大,並勤稼穡,止則成井里於廣野,動則成校隊於六軍,省其暴繇,贍其衣食。易稱『恱以使民,民忘其勞;恱以犯難,民忘其死』,今之謂矣。粮畜於食,勇畜於勢,雖坐曜烈威而衆未動,畫外之蠻,必復稽顙以求改往而效用矣。若畏威效用,不戰而定,則賢於交兵而後威立,接刃而後功成遠矣。若姦凶不革,遂迷不反,猶欲以其所虐用之民,待大魏投命報養之士,然後徐以前歌後舞樂征之衆,臨彼倒戟折矢樂服之羣,伐腐摧枯,未足以為喻也。」
Memorials of the Celebrated Ministers of Wei records [Wang] Lang’s memorial on reducing expenses: “The Imperial Order asking what is suitable to increase or decrease must be speaking of the matters of the eastern capital. Concerning the western capital’s great sacrifices at Yunyang and Fenyin, there are 1500 followers at the sacrifices to Heaven platform, entering Afang Palace, abstaining [from meat, wine, etc.] for 100 days, raising sacrificial animals for five years, oxen require 3000, heavy jade require 7000; these objects are placed on patterned silks on ranked mats, virgin girls tread and dance in connection; fermented wine requires three hours to complete, musicians require 3400 supporting preparers; the Inner Palace beauties in number near 1000, the Scholars-Officials and Academicians and their followers are over 7000 men; the Palace Stables have all different horses numbering over 60,000, and outside herdsman lead and raise 30,000 with horses making up one-tenth; the Metal Mace Bearer has following riders 600 and walking soldiers in equal number; the Minister of Ceremonies in handling tombs and visits has 1000 chariots, the Grand Official bestowing official slave servants 6000, Chang'an city has governing officials 3000, including 2000-dàn [salary officials] and those managing crimes and punishments in 25 prisons. Government affairs are many, inspiring authority is complex, much more than the Three Dynasties, and must have more thorough Rituals. That it has reached this extravagance is mostly from inheritance from the Qín. It both violates the foundations of the honesty of cocoon and chestnut [rituals] and the direction of the simplicity of sweeping the ground [rituals], and also loses the instruction of substituting pledges and decreasing complexity and of avoiding grandness and following restriction. How, in this present time of flourishing and enlightenment, a time of following the examples of Yao and Shun, a government of reducing extravagance and acting with frugality, of orders to remove complexity and esteem saving, of teachings to be thorough in deciding punishments and careful in applying penalties, is this not what should be hoped for and admired? And the Resting Temple day is the sacrificial ceremony with the greatest sacrifices, the commanderies and states both establish the laws of Ancestral Temples, with specficiation of numbers of the officials from the staff of the Chancellor and Censorate Secretary following, and this organization, was both repeatedly changed before the times of Ai [Liu Xin -7- -1] and Ping [Liu Kan -1 - 5], and not used after Guangwu [Liu Xiu 25-57]. In sincere reference for a memorial of a plan for modifications, the [sacrifices to] Heaven and Earth and the Five Emperors, the Six Exemplars, the Ancestral Temple, the State Altars, are already due to the inheritance of the sacred lands of the previous dynasties. For [sacrifices to] Heaven and Earth sweep the ground and offer libation, and for the rest all use the Altar with equal rank. The Brilliant Hall is for sacrifices to God Above, the Spirit Terrace is for observing Heaven’s Patterns [astronomy], the Rule of Harmony is for cultivating Ritual and Music, the Imperial Academy is for gathering the Classicist groves, the High Sacrifice is for prayers for rest and good omens, and also for inquiring for the best time for affairs and supporting teaching. Learning from the ancients and former peoples, opening and increasing the blessings of the Throne, in old times all were at the state’s brightened [south] side, along with tall and illustrious buildings, enough to practice [ritual] feasts and shooting, and look upon the clouds. Though the Seven Outskirts are for honored sacrifices and esteemed services, yet they all have doors and rooms and seating, and are enough to take shelter from wind and rain. It is possible to wait for an end of military affairs and years of abundance to gradually make repairs. In former times the soldiers of the Five Camps of Elite Tiger Winged Forest, along with guard troops added together, though they were ten thousand men, some were junior relatives of merchants and lazy travelers, and some were blunt and unlearned men of agriculture and fields; though they were in placed in military regulations, they did not emphasize military affairs or battle, and did not train, and also hoped for the chance to plunder, so what was said and what was true were not in agreement, and it was difficult to prepare for emergencies. There was alarm and only afterward soldiers were conscripted, the army went and only afterward provisions were sent, or then troops were already long garrisoned and yet the camps did not farm and did not repair weapons and equipment, there were no stored supplies, and if one side had an urgent feathered dispatch then the other three sides were all panicked and disturbed. These were also the faults of recent times of the Hàn and cannot become a model. At present civilization is calm, and only Ba-Shu is outside control [Wú was nominally surrendered at this time]. Though we cannot yet set down weapons and armor and release horses and dismiss troops, it is suitable to react to abundant years to then focus army and government on agricultural affairs. Officials and soldiers and small and great, must together diligently sow and reap. When stopping [from battle] complete and develop fields, when moving [to battle] complete and prepare the Six Armies, to decrease violence and forced labor, and provide clothes and food. The Yi says: ‘Using happiness to employ the people, the people forget their labor; using happiness to oppose disasters, the people forget death.’ Now is the time to use that. With provisions and livestock for food, the brave for power, then though when having glorious authority and yet the army has not yet moved, the barbarians outside control will certainly return to bow and change to return to use. If the fear of authority is effective, then without battle things can be settled, so worthy it is to be far from facing troops and only afterward establishing authority, meeting blades and only afterward completing achievement. If the treacherous and vicious do not reform, continuing to be lost without turning back, though they with oppression use their people, relying on our Great Wèi sending order to answer with troops, afterward we will advance with the army of first song and later dance and music campaign, face the enemy with the crowds of halberds and arrows and cheerful service, cut down the decayed and destroy the withered, and it would not be worthy speaking of.”[2]

Book of Wei 16 - Biography of Su ZeEdit

  1. 《魏名臣奏》載文帝令問雍州刺史張旣曰:「試守金城太守蘇則,旣有綏民平夷之功,聞又出軍西定湟中,為河西作聲勢,吾甚嘉之。則之功効,為可加爵邑未邪?封爵重事,故以問卿。密白意,且勿宣露也。」旣荅曰:「金城郡,昔為韓遂所見屠剥,死喪流亡,或竄戎狄,或陷寇亂,戶不滿五百。則到官,內撫彫殘,外鳩離散,今見戶千餘。又梁燒雜種羌,昔與遂同惡,遂斃之後,越出障塞。則前後招懷,歸就郡者三千餘落,皆卹以威恩,為官效用。西平麴演等唱造邪謀,則尋出軍,臨其項領,演則歸命送質,破絕賊糧。則旣有卹民之效,又能和戎狄,盡忠效節。遭遇聖明,有功必錄。若則加爵邑,誠足以勸忠臣,勵風俗也。」

Book of Wei 24 - Biography of Cui LinEdit

  1. 《魏名臣奏》載安定太守孟達薦雄曰:「臣聞明君以求賢為業,忠臣以進善為效,故易稱『拔茅連茹』,傳曰『舉爾所知』。臣不自量,竊慕其義。臣昔以人乏,謬充備部職。時涿郡太守王雄為西部從事,與臣同僚。雄天性良固,果而有謀。歷試三縣,政成人和。及在近職,奉宣威恩,懷柔有術,清慎持法。臣往年出使,經過雄郡。自說特受陛下拔擢之恩,常勵節精心,思投命為效。言辭激揚,情趣款惻。臣雖愚闇,不識真偽,以謂雄才兼資文武,忠烈之性,踰越倫輩。今涿郡領戶三千,孤寡之家,參居其半,北有守兵藩衞之固,誠不足舒雄智力,展其勤幹也。臣受恩深厚,無以報國,不勝慺慺淺見之情,謹冒陳聞。」詔曰:「昔蕭何薦韓信,鄧禹進吳漢,惟賢知賢也。雄有膽智技能文武之姿,吾宿知之。今便以參散騎之選,方使少在吾門下知指歸,便大用之矣。天下之士,欲使皆先歷散騎,然後出據州郡,是吾本意也。」雄後為幽州刺史。子渾,涼州刺史。次乂,平北將軍。司徒安豐侯戎,渾之子。太尉武陵侯衍、荊州刺史澄,皆乂之子。
  2. 《魏名臣奏》載侍中辛毗奏曰:「昔桓階為尚書令,以崔林非尚書才,遷以為河間太守。」與此傳不同。

Book of Wei 24 - Biography of Gao RouEdit

  1. 《魏名臣奏》載柔上疏曰:「臣深思陛下所以不早取此鹿者,誠欲使極蕃息,然後大取以為軍國之用。然臣竊以為今鹿但有日耗,終無從得多也。何以知之?今禁地廣輪且千餘里,臣下計無慮其中有虎大小六百頭,狼有五百頭,狐萬頭。使大虎一頭三日食一鹿,一虎一歲百二十鹿,是為六百頭虎一歲食七萬二千頭鹿也。使十狼日共食一鹿,是為五百頭狼一歲共食萬八千頭鹿。鹿子始生,未能善走,使十狐一日共食一子,比至健走一月之間,是為萬狐一月共食鹿子三萬頭也。大凡一歲所食十二萬頭。其鵰鶚所害,臣置不計。以此推之,終無從得多,不如早取之為便也。」

Book of Wei 27 - Biography of Xu MiaoEdit

  1. 《魏名臣奏》載黃門侍郎杜恕表,稱:「韓觀、王昶,信有兼才,高官重任,不但三州。」
Memorials of the Celebrated Ministers of Wei records Yellow Gate Attendant Official Du Shu’s Memorial, which says: “Han Guan and Wang Chang are honest and multi-talented, had high office and heavy responsibilities in not only three provinces.”[2]

Book of Wei 28 - Biography of Guanqiu JianEdit

  1. 《魏名臣奏》載雍州刺史張旣表曰:「河右遐遠,喪亂彌乆,武威當諸郡路道喉轄之要,加民夷雜處,數有兵難。領太守毌丘興到官,內撫吏民,外懷羌、胡,卒使柔附,為官効用。黃華、張進初圖逆亂,扇動左右,興志氣忠烈,臨難不顧,為將校民夷陳說禍福,言則涕泣。於時男女萬口咸懷感激,形毀髮亂,誓心致命。尋率精兵踧脅張掖,濟拔領太守杜通、西海太守張睦。張掖番和、驪靬二縣吏民及郡雜胡棄惡詣興,興皆安恤,使盡力田。興每所歷,盡竭心力,誠國之良吏。殿下即位,留心萬機,苟有毫毛之善,必有賞錄,臣伏緣聖旨,指陳其事。」

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NotesEdit

ReferencesEdit

  1. 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 de Crespigny. “Index of Books and Writers quoted in the P'ei Sung-chih commentary to San-kuo chih” in The Records of the Three Kingdoms.
  2. 2.0 2.1 "jiuyangda", biography of Wang Lang. Retrieved from Xuesanguo: xuesanguo.tumblr.com.

SourcesEdit

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