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The Biànwáng lùn 辨亡論 (Essay on Reasons for the Fall) is a Chinese essay written by Lu Ji 陸機 on reasons for the fall of Wu.

Bits of informationEdit

Lu Ji, style name Shiheng 士衡, lived from 261-303. He was a descendant of people of the Three Kingdoms state of Wu and lived his life in Wu until his 19th year, during which it was conquered by Jin.

The Bianwang lun was cited by Pei Songzhi in Chen Shou's closing comments to the Book of Wu 03, which contains the biographies of the three Wu heirs Sun Ling, Sun Xiu and Sun Hao.

The Bianwang lun is now part of Lu Ji's Collected Works (Lu Ji ji 陸機集).

Fragments in Records of the Three KingdomsEdit

Book of Wu 3 - Chen Shou comments to Book of Wu 3Edit

  1. 陸機著《辨亡論》,言吳之所以亡,其上篇曰:「昔漢氏失御,姦臣竊命,禍基京畿,毒徧宇內,皇綱弛紊,王室遂卑。於是羣雄蜂駭,義兵四合,吳武烈皇帝慷慨下國,電發荊南,權略紛紜,忠勇伯世。威稜則夷羿震蕩,兵交則醜虜授馘,遂掃清宗祊,蒸禋皇祖。於時雲興之將帶州,飈起之師跨邑,哮闞之羣風驅,熊羆之族霧集,雖兵以義合,同盟勠力,然皆包藏禍心,阻兵怙亂,或師無謀律,喪威稔寇,忠規武節,未有若此其著者也。武烈旣沒,長沙桓王逸才命世。弱冠秀發,招擥遺老,與之述業。神兵東驅,奮寡犯衆,攻無堅城之將,戰無交鋒之虜。誅叛柔服而江外厎定,飭法脩師而威德翕赫,賔禮名賢而張昭為之雄,交御豪俊而周瑜為之傑。彼二君子,皆弘敏而多奇,雅達而聦哲,故同方者以類附,等契者以氣集,而江東蓋多士矣。將北伐諸華,誅鉏干紀,旋皇輿於夷庚,反帝座于紫闥,挾天子以令諸侯,清天步而歸舊物。戎車旣次,羣凶側目,大業未就,中世而隕。用集我大皇帝,以奇蹤襲於逸軌,叡心發乎令圖,從政咨於故實,播憲稽乎遺風,而加之以篤固,申之以節儉,疇咨俊茂,好謀善斷,束帛旅於丘園,旌命交于塗巷。故豪彥尋聲而響臻,志士希光而影騖,異人輻湊,猛士如林。於是張昭為師傅,周瑜、陸公、魯肅、呂蒙之疇入為腹心,出作股肱;甘寧、淩統、程普、賀齊、朱桓、朱然之徒奮其威,韓當、潘璋、黃蓋、蔣欽、周泰之屬宣其力;風雅則諸葛瑾、張承、步隲以聲名光國,政事則顧雍、潘濬、呂範、呂岱以器任幹職,奇偉則虞翻、陸績、張溫、張惇以諷議舉正,奉使則趙咨、沈珩以敏達延譽,術數則吳範、趙達以禨祥協德,董襲、陳武殺身以衞主,駱統、劉基彊諫以補過,謀無遺筭,舉不失策。故遂割據山川,跨制荊、吳,而與天下爭衡矣。魏氏嘗藉戰勝之威,率百萬之師,浮鄧塞之舟,下漢陰之衆,羽楫萬計,龍躍順流,銳騎千旅,虎步原隰,謀臣盈室,武將連衡,喟然有吞江滸之志,一宇宙之氣。而周瑜驅我偏師,黜之赤壁,喪旗亂轍,僅而獲免,收迹遠遁。漢王亦馮帝王之號,率巴、漢之民,乘危騁變,結壘千里,志報關羽之敗,圖收湘西之地。而我陸公亦挫之西陵,覆師敗績,困而後濟,絕命永安。續以濡須之寇,臨川摧銳,蓬籠之戰,孑輪不反。由是二邦之將,喪氣挫鋒,勢衄財匱,而吳藐然坐乘其弊,故魏人請好,漢氏乞盟,遂躋天號,鼎峙而立。西屠庸蜀之郊,北裂淮漢之涘,東苞百越之地,南括羣蠻之表。於是講八代之禮,蒐三王之樂,告類上帝,拱揖羣后。虎臣毅卒,循江而守,長戟勁鎩,望飇而奮。庶尹盡規於上,四民展業于下,化協殊裔,風衍遐圻。乃俾一介行人,撫巡外域,臣象逸駿,擾於外閑,明珠瑋寶,輝於內府,珍瑰重跡而至,奇玩應響而赴,輶軒騁於南荒,衝輣息於朔野,齊民免干戈之患,戎馬無晨服之虞,而帝業固矣。大皇旣歿,幼主莅朝,姦回肆虐。景皇聿興,虔修遺憲,政無大闕,守文之良主也。降及歸命之初,典刑未滅,故老猶存。大司馬陸公以文武熈朝,左丞相陸凱以謇諤盡規,而施績、范慎以威重顯,丁奉、鍾離斐以武毅稱,孟宗、丁固之徒為公卿,樓玄、賀劭之屬掌機事,元首雖病,股肱猶良。爰及末葉,羣公旣喪,然後黔首有瓦解之志,皇家有土崩之釁,歷命應化而微,王師躡運而發,卒散於陣,民奔于邑,城池無藩籬之固,山川無溝阜之勢,非有工輸雲梯之械,智伯灌激之害,楚子築室之圍,燕人濟西之隊,軍未浹辰而社稷夷矣。雖忠臣孤憤,烈士死節,將奚救哉?夫曹、劉之將非一世之選,向時之師無曩日之衆,戰守之道抑有前符,險阻之利俄然未改,而成敗貿理,古今詭趣,何哉?彼此之化殊,授任之才異也。」其下篇曰:「昔三方之王也,魏人據中夏,漢氏有岷、益,吳制荊、揚而奄交、廣。曹氏雖功濟諸華,虐亦深矣,其民怨矣。劉公因險飾智,功已薄矣,其俗陋夫。吳桓王基之以武,太祖成之以德,聦明睿達,懿度深遠矣。其求賢如不及,恤民如稚子,接士盡盛德之容,親仁罄丹府之愛。拔呂蒙於戎行,識潘濬於係虜。推誠信士,不恤人之我欺;量能授器,不患權之我逼。執鞭鞠躬,以重陸公之威;悉委武衞,以濟周瑜之師。卑宮菲食,以豐功臣之賞;披懷虛己,以納謨士之筭。故魯肅一面而自託,士燮蒙險而效命。高張公之德而省游田之娛,賢諸葛之言而割情欲之歡,感陸公之規而除刑政之煩,奇劉基之議而作三爵之誓,屏氣跼蹐以伺子明之疾,分滋損甘以育淩統之孤,登壇慷慨歸魯肅之功,削投惡言信子瑜之節。是以忠臣競盡其謀,志士咸得肆力,洪規遠略,固不厭夫區區者也。故百官苟合,庶務未遑。初都建業,羣臣請備禮秩,天子辭而不許,曰:『天下其謂朕何!』宮室輿服,蓋慊如也。爰及中葉,天人之分旣定,百度之缺粗修,雖醲化懿綱,未齒乎上代,抑其體國經民之具,亦足以為政矣。地方幾萬里,帶甲將百萬,其野沃,其民練,其財豐,其器利,東負滄海,西阻險塞,長江制其區宇,峻山帶其封域,國家之利,未見有弘於茲者矣。借使中才守之以道,善人御之有術,敦率遺憲,勤民謹政,循定策,守常險,則可以長世永年,未有危亡之患。或曰,吳、蜀脣齒之國,蜀滅則吳亡,理則然矣,夫蜀蓋藩援之與國,而非吳人之存亡也。何則?其郊境之接,重山積險,陸無長轂之徑;川阨流迅,水有驚波之艱。雖有銳師百萬,啟行不過千夫;軸艫千里,前驅不過百艦。故劉氏之伐,陸公喻之長虵,其勢然也。昔蜀之初亡,朝臣異謀,或欲積石以險其流,或欲機械以御其變。天子緫羣議而諮之大司馬陸公,陸公以四瀆天地之所以節宣其氣,固無可遏之理,而機械則彼我之所共,彼若棄長伎以就所屈,即荊、揚而爭舟楫之用,是天贊我也,將謹守峽口以待禽耳。逮步闡之亂,憑保城以延彊寇,重資幣以誘羣蠻。于時大邦之衆,雲翔電發,縣旌江介,築壘遵渚,襟帶要害,以止吳人之西,而巴漢舟師沿江東下。陸公以偏師三萬,北據東坑,深溝高壘,案甲養威。反虜踠跡待戮,而不敢北闚生路,彊寇敗績宵遁,喪師大半,分命銳師五千,西禦水軍,東西同捷,獻俘萬計。信哉賢人之謀,豈欺我哉!自是烽燧罕警,封域寡虞。陸公沒而潛謀兆,吳釁深而六師駭。夫太康之役,衆未盛乎曩日之師,廣州之亂,禍有愈乎向時之難,而邦家顛覆,宗廟為墟。嗚呼!人之云亡,邦國殄瘁,不其然與!易曰『湯武革命順乎天』,玄曰『亂不極則治不形』,言帝王之因天時也。古人有言,曰『天時不如地利』,易曰『王侯設險以守其國』,言為國之恃險也。又曰:『地利不如人和』,『在德不在險』,言守險之由人也。吳之興也,參而由焉,孫卿所謂合其參者也。及其亡也,恃險而已,又孫卿所謂舍其參者也。夫四州之氓非無衆也,大江之南非乏俊也,山川之嶮易守也,勁利之器易用也,先政之業易循也,功不興而禍遘者何哉?所以用之者失也。故先王達經國之長規,審存亡之至數,恭己以安百姓,敦惠以致人和,寬沖以誘俊乂之謀,慈和以結士民之愛。是以其安也,則黎元與之同慶;及其危也,則兆庶與之共患。安與衆同慶,則其危不可得也;危與下共患,則其難不足卹也。夫然,故能保其社稷而固其土宇,麥秀無悲殷之思,黍離無愍周之感矣。」

See alsoEdit

NotesEdit

ReferencesEdit

  1. de Crespigny. “Index of Books and Writers quoted in the P'ei Sung-chih commentary to San-kuo chih” in The Records of the Three Kingdoms.

SourcesEdit

  • Chen Shou 陳壽 (233–297). Sanguo zhi 三國志 “Records of the Three Kingdoms”, with official commentary compiled by Pei Songzhi 裴松之 (372-451).

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